Well, to begin let me just say right from the start that I am very comfortable with approaching the Zaps just as I approach the problem of every other prominent political manifestation on the Left—which is with a sort of reactionary pessimism and defiance. I have absolutely no reason not to begin from this particular method on this matter.
Probably the most striking and poisonous aspect of the Zapatistas in the (alternative) media's fascination with them is the lack of clarity for outsiders between the cult of leadership (i.e., Marcos) and the people they're speaking for. This is reason enough not to trust them; not to accept them. The greater the distance between the observer and the object, the greater the appearance of unity in the object. I have little doubt in my mind that their leadership is the standard, readymade model of educated idealists selling themselves wholesale to agitated peoples in order to provide a vehicle for their ideology which, unsurprisingly, is perfectly suitable for "real change" (i.e., modernizing the established institutions). The Zapatistas have not failed to meet my expectations in this regard. Right from the beginning, their political platform was for national reform—i.e., the democratization of the nation's distribution of land-based production. They are nationalists. They do not, fundamentally, arrive at any sort of disciplined critique of the ruling class and the relations that gave rise to it. The Third Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle (1995): "Today, we repeat: Our Struggle Is National…".
It all begins with the limited, archaic nature of the gangsters that rule (ruled?) Chiapas. They were a throwback to old European rule when Chiapas was part of Guatemala before the Mexican state bought it out. Their methods were (are?) largely an impediment to capitalism; this is because production was driven by indebted laborers whereby the profits were not capitalized but spent luxuriously. This does not satisfy capitalist rule; capital needs to be developed in order to provide more efficient means of accumulating value. The fetishism that provides the rationale for the productive forces dictates that they be productively-progressively oriented rather than merely being a means to expenditure. So, people in Chiapas were very unsatisfied with the lack of democratization & liberalization of their land-based livelihoods. All around, Chiapas throughout the eighties and well into the nineties was a hotbed of political organization and lots of state spending on various social welfare (all of which, alongside rampant repression, encouraged protest and propaganda). There were all sorts of entrepreneurs from the Left hawking their wares to the largely indigenous peoples of the region in reaction to the violence of wealthy landowners and the subsequent discontent. Maoists, Catholic activists, etc. The Zaps got their start in that cesspool of leftism. This is the center of gravity for Zapatismo; landless peasants lead by romantic poets of Mexican nationalism into a struggle for the modernization of land ownership. Everything blooms from that seed.